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研討會 2003:文化、藝術、宗教 論文摘要 Thursday, November 27, 2003 Welcome Address by Luís Sequeira. Key Note Address by Professor André Lévy : I. CULTURAL BACKGROUND 霍啟昌 /
FOK Kaicheong, The "Macao Formula" had stemmed from special historical circumstances and events leading to the worsening of the "Wokou problem" and the rise of problems related to the coming of the first batch of Europeans by sea, the Portuguese, during the first few decades of the sixteenth century. Even though relations with the Portuguese under the formula did not gain direct imperial endorsement throughout the Ming dynasty, it was, nevertheless, passively tolerated. The fact that the trade made permissible under the formula could satisfy imperial needs for foreign rarities and at the same time keep the militarily formidable Portuguese in check, certainly helped to keep the opposition by the staunchly doctrinaire central officials at bay. After the Ming dynasty fell, the formula was continued for practical political reasons by the Qing in dealing with the Portuguese in Macao. Consequently, the Qing not only continued the Ming trend of strengthening the local defense system around the Macao area but also successfully extended civil administration control over Macao's foreign settlement. Based on the study of Sino-Western relations according to the Macao experiences, it is clear that from the point of view of the Qing emperor, the concept of "dujian fangwei" (forestall the growth of abuses by strict enforcement of preventive measures) served its purpose of asserting imperial power in the frontier regions. Since Macao was recognized as a sea frontier port in this area by the Qing, measures and regulations to control the foreigners must be viewed as part of the "dujian fangwei" policy of the early Qing emperors to consolidate political control and to enforce national security measures in this frontier area. During the lifetime of Wuli (1632-1718) and under the Macao formula, even though there were no major eruptions of hostilities between the Portuguese community and the late Ming and early Qing governments, there were various occasions when Sino-western relations were strained in Macao. One was the crisis over the spiritual quest for an alien faith, Catholicism, by Chinese residents in Macao and its immediate vicinities. This study first traces the genesis of the crisis then it makes a thorough examination of an outstanding case of such a crisis, the affair of "Nossa Senhora do Amparo" when, in 1747, Qing local officials closed down this Catholic seminary which sparked off resistance from the foreign community. The findings of this examination will serve to illustrate how the principles and rationale behind the Macao formula were being actually applied to manage foreign affairs, including the spread of the Catholic faith in Macao and its immediate vicinities. This case study particularly sheds light on the flexibilities and discrepancies in the actual execution of the Macao formula. More importantly, it will illustrate that political considerations were the primary factor leading to the early Qing emperors' suppression of Christianity. David M. Kowal, By 1681, when Wu Li arrived at the Jesuit College of Saint Paul in the Portuguese-controlled enclave of Macao, the Society of Jesus had long established its primacy among the missionary orders in the East. Moreover, over a century had passed during which the westernized Jesuits active in the East had evolved and practiced a policy of cultural adaptation and accommodation in their interaction with Others (from Indians in the initial heartland of the Portuguese Indies to the Japanese and Chinese of the Outer Circle regions). Although the Jesuits practiced this policy with varying degrees of consistency, application and success, their proclivities toward accommodation in the East ultimately differentiated the Society's multiple endeavors from those of its fellow religious competitors. One of the societies foremost accomplishments was the establishment and construction of churches and colleges which, by the 17th and 18th centuries, stretched from India to Japan. Among all the religious Orders active in this vast region, the Jesuits were the most prolific and innovative builders of ecclesiastical edifices, often constructing and embellishing their major college churches in a manner that not only reflected their European spiritual roots and political allegiances (in addition to maintaining their particular religious practices), but just as often responding to localized circumstances and indigenous, non-western artistic currents and ideologies. A multitude of ecclesiastical structures erected by Jesuits in those areas of the "Portuguese Indies" where the Society held exceptional sway, reflect in their fabric and/or architectural adornment, a formal and symbolic hybridization that generally corresponds to the Society's syncretic practice of accommodation and acculturation to Others. The extent to which such artistic and architectural synthesis was consciously promoted and carried out by Jesuit builders does, however, vary between their regional Asiatic missions, affected, among other things, by the Society's level of respect for the individual cultures it worked within, by the degree to which Jesuits in these respective areas could pursue policies independent of their political sponsors in Portugal and spiritual adherents in Italy, and by the makeup of its constituent missionary forces in Asia, particularly those leaders who set standards. This presentation will briefly survey the circumstances and policies of Jesuit ecclesiastical construction in India, Japan and China (including commentary on both the Jesuit mission to the Middle Kingdom and the Jesuit presence in Portuguese-controlled Macao). Using a selection of Jesuit-built churches as example this paper will focus upon the varying degrees of accommodation and hybridization reflected in these structures. Furthermore, the paper will attempt to offer explanation for such variations, differentiating, for instance, the essentially practical basis of grafting Indianized motives onto the Bom Jesus in Goa from the self-consciously purposeful adaptation of Oriental elements into the syncretic showcase church where Wu Li worshipped, Saint Paul in Macao. César Guillén-Nuñez, Wu Li arrived at the College of Madre de Deus in 1681 on his way to Europe. For rather mysterious reasons he never left, staying behind at the Jesuit College in Macao. In fact, the city and College were to provide his only experience of the West. At the time of his arrival the High Baroque style had reached its zenith, often in the colleges of the Society of Jesus in Europe. But it was equally a time when Western science had reached conclusions that came into direct conflict with Roman Catholic beliefs. Although contemporary art historians have already addressed aspects of the conflict in Europe, this paper examines its repercussions for the Society of Jesus in Macao. To begin with, the Jesuits' zeal for modern science, especially astronomy, is evident in their scientific endeavours in China and probably in the little-known curriculum of the College of Madre de Deus. But in what seems like a contradiction, the images and iconography of the decoration of the Church of Madre de Deus, as well as the Jesuits' use of ephemeral structures, emblems and religious spectacles in Macao provide first-hand evidence of the strict Tridentine theology that they largely espoused. In his writings Wu Li has left a brief yet precious poetic account of the religious spectacles staged by the Jesuits in the city. He was evidently equally aware of the importance they attached to science. Wu Li's internal conflict and spiritual progress in Macao should therefore be located in the midst of the historic clash between Western science and religion, a clash that nonetheless resulted in a more poetic and spiritual art in the Macao College and Church. Elisabetta Corsi, By examining the role of images, prints and emblems in Jesuit Colleges such as Coimbra and the Collegio Romano during the 17th century, this paper explores what must have been a significant part of Wu Li's Jesuitical education at the College of Saint Paul. The tendency to view visual culture almost exclusively in the context of "art" has often prevented scholars from considering the broader range of purposes such images where intended to serve. By the same token, the fact that Wu Li maintained an autochthonous style in painting has often been misconstrued as an outright rejection of Western technique. In point of fact, meditation practices employing mental and visual imagery such as those ones developed by the Jesuits, may have actually exercised a major impact on Wu Li's poetry and, more importantly, contributed to the formation of his personal perception and spirituality within Christianity. 韓琦 /
Han Qi, 康熙初年，楊光先挑起的反教案對天主教的發展造成了很大的衝擊，對科學和社會各方面都產生了深遠的影響。反教案之後，江南地區（主要指松江、嘉定、太倉、常熟、蘇州、江寧等地）教徒的情況如何，至今尚未有深入的研究。實際上，在1700-1702年期間，"禮儀之爭"達到高潮，耶穌會士為爭取對祭祖、祭孔的支援，在各地廣泛徵求"誓狀"，以向教廷反映中國教徒的聲音。江南地區作為天主教傳播的重鎮，許多教徒應耶穌會士的要求，就禮儀問題表達了自己的看法。本文將根據新發現的史料，探討江南教徒在"禮儀之爭"中扮演的角色，對祭孔、祭祖的看法，與耶穌會士的關係，希冀對康熙時代中國天主教史有更清晰的認識，從而更好理解吳歷所處的時代及其江南地區的宗教生活。 II. EAST & WEST PAINTING 莫小也 /
Mo Xiaoye, 吳歷 (1632-1718) 生活的時代，正是通過海上絲路--尤其是通過作為中國對外交流的窗口澳門--的交往，東西方關係迅速發展的時代，也是古老的中國社會由於明清政權的交替，再一次發生劇烈變革的時期，所有文人士大夫、藝術家又一次經歷了沈重的選擇與嚴峻的考驗。在這樣的背景下歐人紛紛東渡，西方耶穌會會士利瑪竇（Matteo Ricci）、南懷仁 (Ferdinand Verbiest)、利類思 (Luigi Buglio)、卜彌格 (Michal-Piotr Boym)、羅馬傳信部馬國賢（Matteo Ripa），世俗畫家切拉蒂尼 (Giovanni Gheradini) 等人逐步將西方藝術（包括繪畫、建築、雕塑與工藝）攜入中土，引起東方上至帝王貴族、下到普通文人的極大震驚，引起種種評論。早期中國文人士大夫對西洋藝術的認識與汲取是比較謹慎並積極主動的，如對西洋透視、色彩及構圖的運用，對作為東洋表現的主要手段水墨方式的改造。因此，在人物畫、山水畫等變革中取得了一定的成果。作為從精神上接受天主教的吳漁山，對西方藝術也採取了較為謹慎的態度，他發表中西繪畫異同的見解，以各有側重的技法，分別在一些畫中進行了嘗試，但並沒有落入西洋畫的陳式，而重在精神方面的會通。那一時代的唯一開埠港口澳門隨經濟發展逐步走向近代都市，從建築、繪畫到工藝美術都融合了拉丁文明與中華文明的源遠流長的傳統，在東西方藝術交流中扮演了非常特殊的角色。也正是通過澳門，東方的文化藝術精神、優秀的藝術品被介紹與運送到西方，令歐洲人有了更加直接的觀感。總之，本文將通過人們以往忽視的17世紀（吳歷時代）的東西方藝術交流，來強調與18世紀(郎世寧 Giuseppe Castiglione 時代) 交流的不同特點。 Glenn Timmermans, When Philippe Couplet SJ left China in 1681 for a tour of Europe, where he planned to promote the Jesuit's China Mission and plead the Jesuit cause before Pope Innocent XI, he was to be accompanied by five Chinese candidates for the priesthood, including Wu Li (Simon de Cunha) and Shen Fuzhong (Michael Shen). In the end only Michael Shen and another young candidate left with Couplet, and after a delay in Batavia, only Michael Shen went with Couplet on that tour of Europe. In France, Shen was presented to Louis XIV at Versailles and in England he was granted an audience with James II who ordered the court artist, Sir Godfrey Kneller, to paint Shen's portrait, which was then hung in the king's bedchamber. That portrait still hangs at Windsor Castle. Shen also visited Oxford, where he helped catalogue the Bodleian Library's collection of Chinese books. Using what little information we really have of Shen's journey with Couplet through the royal and papal courts of Europe, this paper will examine that encounter between a young Jesuit candidate and the English king. This meeting was only possible during a brief period in post-Reformation English history, when the king was a Roman Catholic and Jesuits were received at court. A year later, in 1688, James II was deposed and replaced by the Protestant William III, and so that encounter between king, Jesuit, and artist — James II, Michael Shen Fuzong, and Sir Godfrey Kneller — could not otherwise have happened. But the result of that encounter was an important Western portrait of a Chinese subject, and hence also its name, "The Chinese Convert". This paper will try to read that portrait as a Western idea of China and the Chinese, as well as an idealised view of the Chinese Christian convert in the context of English domestic and religious politics. This encounter was also a moment of lost opportunity, for had Wu Li been on that journey, as originally planned, it would have been a meeting between an important Chinese artist and a Western artist, and Wu Li may, instead, have been the subject of that portrait. This is a "what if" moment, so tantalising to historians, and one which allows us to speculate on what the influence on Wu Li's own art may have been. Of that we can only conjecture, but the portrait of Michael Shen — the Chinese Convert — is itself a rich subject for discussion. Gauvin A. Bailey, Wu Li (1632-1718) and Giuseppe Castiglione (1688-1768) were the most talented Jesuit artists ever to work on the China Mission-and possibly anywhere in the mission world. Although they only intersected for three years, they were both leading lights in the artistic world of Qing China, one with the court and the other with the traditional literati world of wenren hua. They were both men of extraordinary adaptability, being able to change their style to suit their patrons, or matters of faith. And they were both Jesuits, the one a lay brother artist from Baroque Italy and the other a priest and missionary who was one of the "Six Great Masters" of the orthodox school of painting of the Early Qing. Yet there was one profound difference among them, aside from the obvious difference in their ethnic backgrounds. Castiglione was compelled to abandon his European of painting almost entirely, and the paintings he executed at the court of Emperors such as Kangxi and Qianlong operated within the traditional parameters of Imperial court painting: they were colorful, full of pageantry and imperial propaganda, and they were secular. Wu Li, on the other hand, was extremely flexible in his poetical works, founding a uniquely hybrid Christian-Chinese poetical tradition-yet in painting never abandoned his essentially Confucianist style even after converting to Christianity, living for a time in Macao, and moving back to his native Jiangsu as an itinerant preacher. Castiglione believed strongly in the power of didactic art but was unable to use it. For Wu Li, didactic art was a contradiction in terms. This paper will consider the lives and careers of these two remarkable artists, looking at the influence of their faith and family life on their artistic choices, the influence of the court vs. literati world of painting on their two styles, the vastly different styles and techniques in which they worked, and the notion of "religious imagery" in the context of early Qing society. 駱潔 /
Luo Jie,
本文將以吳歷與傳教士的交往爲重要資料依據，結合吳漁山先生生活的時代背景及人文環境探析其入教的原因。 第一，時代背景及人文環境。漁山生活在明末清初易代之際，漢族士大夫、文人對宋明以來的哲學思想進行了反思。漁山受其理學受業師陳瑚對理學看法的影響；漁山生活的常熟是人傑地靈之所，漁山受與其交往的師友之風骨氣節以及當時的"逃禪之風"的影響；漁山雖與禪友往來主要爲書畫之交，受其師陳瑚的影響，他很可能不能接受佛教的"虛無"主張。 第二， 中西文化交流的背景。明末清初，傳教士入華並採取了“適應策略”，許多文人士大夫傾心西學，，雙方的努力使得中西哲學宗教展開了初始而富有成效的交流。天主教義成爲士大夫們尋求精神寄託得一方思想土地。 第三， 漁山接觸西學及漁山與傳教士的交往。
Friday, November 28, 2003 III. PAINTING 李普文 /
Li Puwen, 吳歷生活於明末清初，那是一個"天崩地坼"的時代。他早年接受儒家正統教育，思想積極進取，但是，滿清的建立，使他失望。作為一個遺民，他雖然沒有參加抗清戰爭，但他清操自厲，孤傲不群，在他的詩文裏，常常流露出故國哀思。隨著滿清統治的鞏固，無可奈何之餘，他的思想趨向空幻，與默容和尚及許之漸的深厚友誼，更加深了其內心的冷寂，他一度接近佛教。與此同時，他與一些來華的耶穌會教士關係密切。最終，他沒有選擇佛教，而是成了一個耶穌會員，一名天主教士。他真誠地信仰天主教，為此遠赴澳門進修學習，從西方的語言文字到天主教義理，皆打下了雄厚的基礎，他甚至想到葡萄牙去深造，但未能成行。後來，他以天主教神甫的身份回到上海，在當地傳播天主教。遵循耶穌會的"三絕"，他晚年的生活相當艱苦。而作為一個中國的傳統文人，他也不可能完全地被西化，在無意之間，他骨子裏浸透的中國文化底蘊總會或隱或顯地展現出來。以"歎貧"為例，這是中國文人、尤其不得志文人的通常心態，吳歷本應絕意，卻因自身環境，而有歎貧之詞。在這裏，它就不僅僅是表面上的那麼簡單，在更深刻的層面上，與吳歷青少年的心志是貫連的，否則，既絕財、絕意，且知人有"原罪"，又何必發出這種貧苦之聲？司鐸佈道，傳教四方，心理和意識裏卻都抹不去中國文化的根柢，這就是吳歷心路的真實經歷。 吳歷的山水畫，前期以《湖天春色圖》為代表，清腴淡雅，明麗秀潤，俊逸沈著。後期一變而為蒼渾厚重，朴拙深鬱，凝煉老辣。不論前期或後期，他個人的風格都是明顯而突出的，跟摹古有很大距離。在清初四王吳惲六大家中，他和王原祁兩人的個人風貌最醒目，和摹古也距離最遠，雖然他倆會在全是自己意見的作品上署上古人的姓名，但我們不該為這種門面語所迷惑，應該根據作品本身的風格面貌評判，這才是最關鍵的。 吳歷詩文書畫俱擅，不過，與"四王"視繪畫為生命中的一部分不同，他只是把它當作了一種興趣和寄託。因此，在繪畫上的著力程度不如"四王"。從"稚年學畫，搰搰塗抹"至87歲病逝，其間50-70歲這一漫長的20年裏，他幾乎因潛心天主教事而全廢棄了繪畫，這在歷史上名畫家那裏是非常罕見的。從他的作品看，無疑是極具繪畫天賦的，如果能象"四王"一樣沈浸畫學、視為生命，那麼，他的成就必定是另有一番樣子吧。他的畫中那種別具的充滿江南春色的清新明秀的筆調本可以進一步發展的，可惜他50歲之後有那麼長的時間離開了江南，更可惜這以後有更長的時間他幾乎荒廢了丹青，以至當他重返硯田，濡染潑灑心中情思時，身心俱老。人生七十古來稀，他晚年的作品完全得益于他的高壽，但明媚的春光卻難再尋覓了。 論當時的名聲及後世的影響，吳歷不及與他同輩的王石谷和王原祁，論對於畫藝的刻苦鑽研程度與夫視繪畫為生命之一部分，他也不如二王。但是，他的詩文書法淩軼"四王"之上，他淡泊寡欲，不為名利所動，甘於貧窮的素心靜修也與"四王"迥異，至於他的天資，絕不在"四王"之下，甚或過之。因此，他在繪畫上的成就斐然可觀，與"四王"並駕齊驅，便不難理解了 。 作為中國17世紀傑出的山水畫大師，吳歷當之無愧。 黃鐵池 /
Huang Tiechi, 吳歷在中國近代繪畫史上的地位與影響較為特殊，應該放在整個近代繪畫發展史以及流派演變的大背景下加以考察。首先，吳歷是"傳統"（也稱"正統"）山水畫派的終結者。他的畫，50歲以前很少能跨出四王的樊籬，追求所謂"無一筆無出處"摹舊風氣。但到了上海以後，接觸到了剛剛傳入的西洋畫，審美意識有了更新，特別自澳門修道回滬後，在他的作品中時時可以見出新的氣息，僅管這些變化有時顯得非常之小，但"一葉而知秋"，這樣一位多少年來恪守傳統技法的畫家開始了轉向，具有標誌性的意義，它明確地向人們傳遞了一個資訊，統治畫壇達數百年之久的舊體山水畫將走到它的終點，即便強大的慣性力量還會使它延續一段時間，但吳歷的畫風改變無疑是它走向式微的開端。其次，吳歷是中國近代山水畫中最早嘗試西洋畫技法的引路人。吳歷的繪畫，明顯地有前後二個階段之分，大約以1865年為界。此前漁山是一個正宗的虞山派巨子，但是晚年吳歷的作品中，經常摻雜了洋畫中的某些優勢語彙，這是他受西畫潛移默化影響的結果。吳歷在清代初期已能汲取西方繪畫中有益的營養來改造陳陳相因、千人一面的舊式山水畫，相當前衛，給後輩畫家，特別是海上畫派諸山水畫家以積極的影響。再則，吳歷又是清末民初崛起於上海的著名畫派"上海畫派"的 先驅者。他在上海活動的年代,還在清初的康熙時期。吳歷回滬後，主要的活動就是傳教與繪畫，包括課徒。吳歷是第一個移居上海的著名畫家，他以賣畫為生的生活方式既與楊州畫派相似，又為以後的海上畫家走出了新路。由於吳歷處在新舊畫風變革的轉捩點上，又由其特殊的生活經歷而率先嘗試中西畫法結合的技巧以及他在海上畫派形成過程中所起的先導作用，他在中國近代繪畫史上的地位與影響，值得我們重新加以觀照和關注。 李金遠 /
Li Jinyuan, 吳歷是清初著名的山水畫家，他的 "心思獨運" 藝術思想一方面體現在師古人尤重師其心，師造化尤重以己之心與天心相感、相交、相合。在清朝文人畫家之中，多數人是以筆墨為遊戲，而吳歷卻將自我生命的體驗和對眾生的關愛融入筆墨。這充分體現了他高尚的人格和悲天憫人的廣闊胸懷。正是他開放的眼光，以己之心與天心相合，他所創作的山水畫藝術世界，其情、其意、其境、其心真也。 今天，當我們面對這個物欲橫流、崇尚功名利祿、虛假成風的現實世界，吳歷真人的品格，開放的胸懷和他在生命的追尋中 "心思獨運" 的藝術聖境，更加值得我們的崇敬與珍惜。 聞立鼎 /
Wen Liding, 吳歷生涯的前三十年，中國正處在一個改朝換代、戰爭頻仍的大動蕩時期。其家鄉蘇州常熟一帶，反清義軍與清軍的大爭小戰以及農、漁民的武裝暴動也此起彼伏、異常激烈。吳歷目睹了戰爭兵燹給社會及自己的家鄉帶來的災難，又親身承受了清政權民族歧視的高壓，這一切均在吳歷的心靈中投下了巨大的陰影。這種無限淒涼的心境及悵然無助的失落感 ， 從吳歷的詩作中都能得到印證 ， 使其逐漸産生了尋求新的精神依託的願望。 同時 ， 該時期也正是西方天主教耶穌會在中國內地的傳教活動迅速發展的時期。吳歷三十多歲時，在中國的天主教教堂已有一百五、六十處，信徒達二、三十萬之衆。其中包括了大批皇族、親王及重臣大員 ， 甚至連南明永歷朝的嫡母皇太后、生母馬氏、妃子王氏、太子慈恒等也都成了天主教徒。這些 ， 都對吳歷精神思想的轉變産生了影響。最終使其受洗入教 , 並成了最早的中國籍神父之一。 爲了便於理解吳歷思想歷程中社會背景對其所起的作用，文後附上吳歷年表、明末清初大事記、明末清初天主教在中國傳播大事記的橫向對照表。 Saturday, November 29, 2003 IV. POETRY Tereza Sena, This paper intents to describe, in a general scenario, the city of Macau at the time of Wu Li, during his stay with the Jesuits at Saint Paul College, in the middle of the 17th century, namely from 1681 to ca. 1688. Wu Li adopted the Portuguese name of Simao Xavier da Cunha when, as a Jesuit, he was in Nanjing and ordained a Catholic priest in 1688. Being one of the first Chinese poets to describe Macau life and its habitants through direct observation, some additional comments suggested by his poetry will be added. Wolfgang Kubin, Wu Li is quite an unusual thinker both in his times and even today. I find in his work a lot of new strings of though which could help to minimize sometimes very much stressed relations between East and West. For instance Wu Li's poetry on Macao (Aomen Zayong) is quite unusual in many respects. The poet is aware that he faces a new world after entering Macao from Guandong province. He tries to translate the new world which he is facing both for himself and the foreigners in Macao. In this respect he has the unusual conciousness that there must be something alien for the Chinese and for the Europeans, something that cannot be explained in the context of both world views. In this respect it seems very likely that Wu Li is able to develop traces of a hermeneutic thinking that reminds us of the hermeneutic approach which Gadamer and others developed at the end of the 20th century in the Western world. My approach will be mostly based on the poetry of Wu Li, especially on the cycle "Songs of Macao" (Aomen Zayong). 陸葦 /
Lu Wei, 袁觀 /
Yuan Guan, 吳歷在複雜紛呈的歷史環境裡，不關注時勢，基本上隔斷了個人與塵世的聯係，心路獨特，深陷於書法繪畫的藝境之中，保持了"高懷絕俗，獨往獨來" 的人生。 縱觀明末清初的經濟、政治、文化藝術發展的社會現實，通過吳歷的藝術生涯、人生遭遇可以探尋其心旅。其不可能像"金陵八家"那樣聚眾抨出時局，也不會像八大三人那樣以書畫去憤世忌俗。吳歷沉緬於書畫，以其對坎坷人生的體驗、內向的心理素質、過人的才智和悟性以及特殊的機遇，由禮佛轉向一心修道。 藝術的高境界與宗教是相通的。吳歷在中國文化和宗教的基礎上全面接受了西方的天主教，天主教的道德理想成為吳歷向內的情感體驗，以宗教的心理去認識生死，以極高的才情達到十分完滿的層次。吳歷終於從消極的逃循轉向積極地傳播福音。 章文欽 /
Zhang Wenqin, 一個人的人生價值，不在於生前享盡榮華富貴，這種價值形態，被吳漁山稱為『偽祿暫福』。永恆的人生價值，應當是中國古代先哲所總結出來的立德、立功、立言『三不朽』，即德在人心，功在社稷，言垂久遠。 吳漁山生活在明末清初『天崩地解』的年代，從少年時代起便立下絕任新朝的誓願，立功社稷與之無緣。然而，他作為在明清易代之際的腥風血雨中成長起來的年青一代的明遺民，終身持守遺民的志節。他作為名質之後，具有高度的中國文化素養，有詩、書、畫『三絕』之譽，卻舍其有以平世之具，甘於貧賤，談泊自守，士林重其名行，尊稱為吳高士。令人千載之下，猶仰高風。 由於鄙棄渾濁塵世的偽祿暫福，漁山在四十餘以後，逐漸專注於天學。年垂五十，學道三巴，入耶穌會。返江南後，晉升司鐸，在上海，嘉定一帶傳道達三十年。直至八十七歲在上海病逝。他把自己的後半生完全奉獻給天主，以學道、修道和傳道為責志，以方濟各。 沙勿略等同會先賢為榜樣，孜孜不倦地追求天國的常生永福。為了使天學適應中國文化的土壤，在中國的土地上生根開花，漁山尤致力於繼承明末徐光啟等教中先賢所開創的『會通中西』的傳統，以天學詩溝通中西文學，以《天樂正音譜》溝通中西音樂，對中西繪畫和語言文字進行比較研究，不顧平事漸高刻苦學習拉丁文。陳垣先生在《吳漁山先生年譜》結語稱：『自利瑪竇者，以徐光啟最為傑出，因此可以說，徐光啟與吳漁山各自代表了明清之際中西文化交流的一個時代。 吳漁山的一生，無論作為明遺民和吳高士，還是作為中國士人和天學修士，都具有鮮明的形像和高尚的人格，德在人心而言垂久遠，吳漁山可以說是當之無愧的。這就是吳漁山的人生價值。 V. INNER JOURNEY 顧衛民 /
Gu Weimin, 吳歷生於晚明之世，其曾祖、先祖均為明朝官宦，可謂明之官宦後裔。清朝入關以後，並不甘心歸順清廷，生逢明清易代之際，飽受國家淪亡之苦痛。有遺民心結。吳歷早年喪父，其母撫養三子成人，以貞潔聞於鄉里。吳歷志節高遠堅貞，與母教有關。母喪以後，吳歷至為悲痛。仕途祿位均非其所好，其師錢謙益及陳瑚亦在此時先後去世。故其思想漸漸傾向宗教。吳歷早年與佛教有甚深的淵源。可是經過比較和選擇，終於加入了天主教。吳歷在常熟的老家與天主堂甚為接近，常熟也是耶穌會早期在江南開教的地區之一。李問漁司鐸《行狀》雲。其"惟念人生，荏苒數十年，非偶然生，偶然而卒，其生心有所來，其卒也，必有所攸歸，嗣聞天主教名，與教士交善，考問教理，恍然于惠迪啟，以逆凶之真旨，決意皈依，受洗入教。即而妻亦亡，漸萌修道之志，思入耶穌會……栖謀所以實踐之"。 吳歷的奉教是極為真誠的：(一)他想隨柏應理赴羅馬，至澳門而止，在其《三巴集》中，留下大量的詩文以表明他在澳門學道的心跡；(二)他追隨羅文藻主教在江南傳教，這正是天主教在華的困難時期。因為清政府的禁海政策，外籍教士不能入華，中國籍神職人員的作用尤其顯得重要。羅文藻主教是第一任中國籍得代牧和正權主教，但是他得任命多方受阻擾。而吳歷正是由他親手祝聖的三位中國籍神父之一。在羅主教的書信中形容吳歷具有堅貞的傳教熱忱且能用拉丁文做彌撒。而吳歷對羅主教的感情亦十分深摯，有"哭司教羅先生"為證。當時清政府視江南地區的傳教活動為非法，吳歷行走于江南的廣大地區，在一個一個的會口之間巡迴佈道，稱為"遊堂。其艱辛備嘗的狀況，可與羅文藻比美；(三)吳歷除畫作以外，留有數種宗教性的著作《三巴集》、《三餘集》、《天樂正音譜》、《暫永篇》，《吳漁山先生口鐸日抄》近人李問漁神父曾編《墨井集》，加以彙篆、本文將對這些著作的內容加以評述。(四)吳歷是一個孤獨的士人，他本身有極高的才學，方豪稱"在中國天主教史上元、明以來，能兼詩、琴、書、畫的，亦吳歷一人而已"。但在他所處的時代，由於"禮儀之爭"及清廷的禁教，天主教會中知識份子已經越來越少，很少有人能與他唱和，他的傳教物件，都是散佈於江南地區河巷縱橫之中的漁民及農夫。而且從他的詩文所反映的，信教的人越來越少。其師友中故亡者不少。一同奉教的士大夫如王石穀等，宗教信仰越趨淡泊，所以晚年的吳歷心境是落寞孤寂的，支撐他的，完全是一心事奉天主的信仰。 何琦 /
He Qi, 一． 明末清初的西法東漸作品試析
二． 中國工藝對羅可可風格的影響
鄭妙冰 /
Christina Miu Bing Cheng, 吳歷 Wu Li (1632-1718), an accomplished painter, poet and calligrapher, came to know the presence of Jesuit missionaries in his hometown, Changshu in Jiangsu province, when he was a boy. Though the Wu family was already in decline, he received good education and excelled himself in scholarly studies. Like most literate elites in his time, he was familiar with the Three Teachings: Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism. Given the political turbulence and social unrest during the late Ming and early Qing period, he had long envisioned a "Land of Peach Blossoms" (a paradise on earth) and sought spiritual enlightenment. In 1665, he traveled to Suzhou and became an intimate friend of the Buddhist Abbot, 墨容 Morong. In 1670, he accompanied 許之漸 Xu Zhijian to Beijing and made acquaintance with the Jesuits in the imperial court. In the early 1670's he began to draw closer to Catholicism and see the light of life. In 1681 at the age of 50, he left Changshu for Macau in pursuit of 天學 tianxue (literally, heavenly learning, referring to Catholicism) and entered the Society of Jesus as a novice in 1682. His physical travel to Suzhou, Beijing and Macau constitutes a metaphor of travel to thought. That is, he cogitated on various kinds of religious doctrines and incessantly sought new horizons in widening his spirituality. After he was ordained as a priest in 1688 at the age of 57 in Nanjing, he went to Shanghai and Jiading for the propagation of the Western 道 Dao (Christianity). At that time, there were two historic religious forces prevailing in China. On the one hand, the harmonization of the Three Teachings became a popular syncretic phenomenon; on the other hand, the prolonged Controversy on the Chinese Rites almost reached a boiling point. This paper examines Wu Li's earnest quest for spiritual exploration in this specific epoch. Although he scarcely painted after he had been engaged in the mission of proselytizing, he left behind a prolific collection of poems and verses on Macau and on religion. These literary texts give us a vivid portrayal of what difficulties an aged novice encountered at the Collegiate Church of St Paul's; how the "Western lantern" lighted up his life; and how he survived as a rural priest when foreign missionaries were gradually expelled from China in the wake of the proscription of preaching Christianity. 余三樂 /
Yu Sanle, 一. 王陽明的心學與佛教的禪宗造就了晚明空虛的學風。 二. 開明學者追求經世致用，與西學一拍即合。 三. 開明學者尋求真理、接受真理和實踐真理。
四. 開明學者的宗教信仰及他們捍衛真理的無畏勇氣。 五. 結論。 Concluding Round Table presided by Professor André Lévy. |
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更新日期: 2010-06-03 |