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Symposium 2008:
In the Light and Shadow of an Emperor
Tomás Pereira, S.J. ( 1645-1708), the Kangxi Emperor and
the Jesuit Mission in China
Abstracts
Welcome Address by Artur WARDEGA, S.J. 万德化
Key Note Address by Paul Rule 鲁保禄
徐日升及康熙朝廷里的耶稣会士
徐日升（1645-1708）是生活在北京并以各种身份为皇帝及其朝廷效力的耶稣会士之一。从严格的意义上来说，出任满清大员的耶稣会士是凤毛麟角，更多的是充当内廷职官或皇帝内侍，履行皇帝要求的各种任务。 ►
其中一些耶稣会士当上了皇帝的教师和乐师，因而与皇上的关系更为亲密。与皇上私交最笃的耶稣会士，为数极少，徐日升便是一个杰出的例子。本文提出一些理由，旨在说明，在一般情况下，这是为什么成为可能的，而特别就徐日升而言，这是为什么成为可能的。
Tomás Pereira and the Jesuits of the Court of Kangxi
Tomás Pereira (1645-1708) was one of the Patres Pekinenses, Jesuits who lived in Beijing and worked in various capacities for the Emperor and his Court. Very few were mandarins in the strict sense but rather members of the Inner Court or household of the Emperor, ►
performing whatever tasks the Emperor required of them. Some of them became more intimate with the Emperor as tutors and musicians and a very few, of whom Pereira was an outstanding example, became personally close to him. Some reasons are suggested why this was possible in general and for Pereira in particular.
I. Tomás Pereira: The Man and the Missionary
Presentations & Panel Discussion 1:
ZHANG Xianqing
张先清 ZHANG Xianqing
清代中文史料中的徐日升形象
葡萄牙籍耶稣会士徐日升是继南怀仁之後又一位在清代前期历史上具有一定影响的天主教传教士，他不仅在康熙时期天主教在华传播过程中扮演了比较重要的角色，而且也参与了此时期清廷与俄罗斯勘定边界谈判的活动。 ►
以往学术界在研究徐日升在华活动情况时，基本上借助的是西方文献资料，而较为忽略考察中文文献方面的记载。实际上，在现存清代中文文献中，还是保留有一些关於徐日升的文字记录。本文的要旨即在於梳理这部分有关徐日升的中文文献。通过仔细检索，我们可以发现，除了《清通典》丶《清朝文献通考》等清代官府文书中的相关记载外，在卷帙浩繁的清代文集中也留下了不少关於徐日升的资料，这些资料为我们考察中文语境中的徐日升等清初入华耶稣会士的形象提供了难得的视角。
The Image of Tomás Pereira as seen from Chinese Documents during the Qing Dynasty
After the death of Ferdinand Verbiest, S.J. (1623-1688), Portuguese Jesuit Tomás Pereira (1645-1708) became another Catholic priest who continued to have a certain impact on the history of the early Qing Dynasty. ►
He not only played an important role in the spread of Catholicism in the Kangxi (1654-1722) period, but also helped the Qing Court to sign the Treaty of Nerchinsk (1689) with Russia. Researches concerning the activities of Tomás Pereira in the past were basically based on Western sources while Chinese sources to some extent were ignored. In fact, there were some records about Tomás Pereira among the existing Chinese documents of the Qing Dynasty. The aim of this paper is to sort out these records regarding Tomás Pereira. We can find that, apart from some Qing official documents such as the 清通典Qing Tongdian, the清朝文献通考Qing Chao Wenxian Tongkao, there were also some interesting sources about Tomás Pereira among those voluminous collections of literati writings of the Qing Dynasty. Such sources provide a unique perspective for scholars to study from the Chinese context’s point of view the image of Tomás Pereira and other Jesuits.
António SALDANHA
António SALDANHA 萨安东
最后的皇恩：徐日升神父、南堂及1711年的“欧籍教师颂”
荣誉，特别是皇帝钦赐荣誉，无论其接受者是个人还是集体，在中国文化中都具有家喻户晓的显赫作用。作为个人或集体，耶稣会宫廷神父（Padres da Corte），在顺治和康熙年间获这类殊荣的，或许比任何其他外国人或团体都多。 ►
受到皇帝特别赞誉的，计有汤若望、南怀仁、徐日升等人。正式的集体荣誉，耶稣会士认为不是授予他们的，而是异教皇帝为“愈显主荣”（ad majorem Dei gloriam）而颁授的，就不多见。1777年，康熙帝决定依1675年成例，为“葡萄牙教堂”（俗称“南堂”）御笔亲书三通含宗教韵味的碑匾。这一隆恩被认为是葡萄牙传教团新教堂——徐日升死后竣工——的落成纪念。在皇帝的资助下，徐日升于17世纪最后10年到1708年去世期间设计并监督了教堂的重建工作。继教宗特使铎罗出使中国之后、基督教传教活动遭到挫败期间，御题的构思、书写、迎送、展示及举行盛大仪式将它们安置于南堂，这一不同寻常的集体荣誉，仍有待于研究基督教传教史的史学界的关注。与之相对应，不仅钦天监监正明图率员出席了新教堂的落成仪式，他们还公开展示了一篇“欧籍教师颂”（eulogium of the Europeorum Doctorum），这最终是由皇帝构思并毫无疑问恩准的。这一特殊的“集体荣誉”同样值得我们关注。事实上，颂词的内容，既可视为中国人对欧洲为中国“科学”所作贡献的重要认识，也可看作是康熙皇帝对自利马窦（包括徐日升）以来少数耶稣会士为中国历代皇帝提供的服务的褒奖。本文的主题，将围绕着葡萄牙教堂落成仪式的那种最终选择标准、“科学贡献”构想以及特殊形势展开。
The Last Imperial Honors.
Fr. Tomás Pereira, Nantang and the Eulogium of the Europeorum Doctorum in 1711
Honours, especially imperial honours, individual or collective, have a well known and distinctive role in Chinese culture. The Jesuit Padres da Corte – as individuals or collectively – were (possibly more than any other foreign individuals or group during the Shunzi and the Kangxi Emperors reigns), ►
the beneficiaries of those distinctions. Exceptional and sophisticated imperial honours were granted to Schall, Verbiest and Pereira as individuals. Formal collective honours – assumed by the Jesuits as directed not to them but ad majorem Dei gloriam by a pagan monarch – are less common. In 1711, as he had done in 1675, the Kangxi Emperor decided to give the “Portuguese Church” (vulgo 南堂 Nantang) three calligraphic compositions of religious inspiration. The exceptional grant was supposed to commemorate the inauguration of the new church of the Portuguese Mission, a posthumous accomplishment of Tomás Pereira; under the Emperor’s patronage, he had conceived and directed the works of rebuilding the temple since the last decade of the seventeenth century until his death in 1708. Conceived, produced, carried on, displayed, the gift was installed with an elaborated ritual in the southern church during a period of trouble for the Christian mission, the consequence of Maillard de Tournon’s apostolic legation. This unusual and “collective honour” still waits for the full attention of the historiography of the Christian mission. In parallel, the participation of the highest officials of the Board of Mathematics headed by the 钦天监监正 Qintianjian Jianzheng, the First President 明图 Ming Tu in the cortège and ceremony of inauguration of the new church, was exceptional; the public display by them of an eulogium of the Europeorum Doctorum – eventually conceived and no doubt endorsed by the Emperor – deserves also our attention as another peculiar “collective honour”. Actually, the text of the eulogium can reveal itself as a significant Chinese conception and formulation of the European contribution to the “sciences” in China; it can also be interpreted as an honourable consecration, authorized by the Kangxi Emperor, of a chosen number of Jesuits: since Matteo Ricci, Tomás Pereira included, they where associated with that kind of services to the Emperors of China. The eventual criteria of that selection, the concept of “scientific contribution” and the exceptional circumstances that, by initiative of the Emperor, surrounded the inauguration of the Portuguese Church are the subject of this paper.
II. The China Mission in the Time of Kangxi Emperor
Presentations & Panel Discussion 2:
GONG Yingyan
龚缨晏 GONG Yingyan
康熙 “1692年宽容敕令”与中国基督教的发展
——梵蒂冈教廷图书馆所藏相关中文文献研究
在梵蒂冈教廷图书馆中，珍藏着一册编号为Borg Cinese 376的档案文献，其中有几份与葡萄牙传教士徐日升 (1645-1708) 及康熙皇帝 (1654-1722) 有关。研究表明，由于浙江省发生了迫害天主教的事件， ►
最终导致了“康熙1692年容教赦令”的产生。18世纪初，中国的许多地方官员就是依据这个赦令，保护了欧洲来华的传教士。在江西省，地方官员允许购买土地建造教堂，同时禁止当地居民骚扰西方传教士。在浙江省的严州，法国传教士梁弘仁也获准购地建堂。在浙江省的宁波，法国耶稣会士郭中传在市中心建造了一座教堂。在“康熙1692年容教赦令”的保护下，基督教在中国获得了很大的发展。
The Fruits in the Light and Shadow of Kangxi’s Edict
– a study of some Chinese documents kept in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana
In Borg Cinese 376 kept in Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, there are some documents about Tomás Pereira (1645-1708) and Christianity in China under Kangxi (1654-1722). This study shows that Kangxi’s “Tolerance Edict” of 1692 was the product of ►
the Jesuits’ protest against the anti-Christianity movement in Zhejiang. The Edict was quoted by many local offices to protect the European missionaries in the beginning of eighteenth century. In Jiangxi Province, the missionaries were allowed to buy land to build church, and were not allowed to be disturbed by the provincial authority. In Yanzhou of Zhejiang Province, Artus de Lionne was also allowed to buy land to build a church. In Ningbo of Zhejiang Province, French Jesuit Jean-Alexis de Gollet built a church in the centre of the city. By the documents included in Borg Cinese 376, evidence is given that Christian fruits developed fairly well in the light and shadow of Kangxi’s edict of 1692.
Thierry MEYNARD, S.J.
Thierry MEYNARD, S.J. 梅谦立
传教士有条件地服务皇庭与汉族士大夫的反抗
1691年，汉族士大夫忧虑着天主教的扩张。他们特别担心满洲人能接受外来的天主教而改变国家文化。另一方面，耶稣会传教士在皇庭已经服务了九十年。虽然他们那时得到了康熙(1654-1722)的私人支持，►
不过，他们的传教事业从来没有得到法律的保护。在浙江，大规模的反天主教运动发生，给两方提供一个机会来斗争。地方和中央政府的汉族士大夫严格推行过去对天主教的限制，甚至于宣布普遍禁止天主教，而耶稣会士给康熙更多压力，使他宣布天主教的合法化。这篇文章分析两方的策略，还有康熙怎么最终被逼迫表态。
The Conditional Service of Missionaries to the Court and the Opposition
from Han Literati
In 1691, some Han officials were growing worried about the spread of Catholicism. They were especially worried that the Manchus may adopt this foreign religion and change national culture. On the other hand, the Jesuit missionaries had already served the Court for ninety years. ►
Though they enjoyed at that point the personal support of the Emperor Kangxi (1654-1722), yet their missionary activities never received legal protection. A general persecution was stirred up in Zhejiang. This gave a long-expected opportunity for the two camps to confront. While Han officials at the local and central levels were pushing for the strict enforcement of previous religious restrictions and even establishing a general proscription, the Jesuits were putting more pressure on Kangxi for legalizing Catholicism. This paper analyzes the strategies of the two camps and how Kangxi was finally obliged to take a stance.
Tereza SENA
Tereza SENA 冼丽莎
“容教令”之后：徐日升对科因布拉的请求及葡萄牙对赴华传教士的招募
耶稣会士徐日升（1645–1708）的政治立场和音乐技能，远比其传教理念及布道活动更广为人知。 ►
徐日升对耶稣会在华使团的态度，西方史学界一直强调是对葡萄牙保教权的顽强捍卫，这一点不可否认。然而他既不是孤独的，因为有几位非葡籍耶稣会士同样采取这一立场，也不是极端的，因为他追随的是耶稣会创建初期提出的普世原则和理想。
徐日升对“礼仪之争”、中文礼拜（the Chinese liturgy）、本地神职人员及传教士的招募，更不用说他对教会组织、等级依赖（hierarchical dependence）、后勤支持、教堂的设立及生存等方面的看法，研究得十分贫乏，尽管他在耶稣会身居要职，如北京学院院长（1688–1691）、北京地区副巡视员（1687–1688，1691–1692）、中国副省副会长（1692年6月29日至1695年6月29日）。
在这个语境下，本文将着重探讨1692年“容教令”颁布后徐日升对为中国和在中国招募传教士的立场，涉及西方传教士（尤其是葡籍传教士）的履历和他对耶稣会士约20年来对培养中国本地神职人员所做的努力之评估（在此本人不谈澳门的案例）。
本文只作一个探索，不求面面俱到，并以徐日升的两封未公开书信为依据。本人对日期为1692年6月15日、发往科因布拉学院请求向中国增派葡萄牙耶稣会传教士的第一封信，作了比较深刻的分析。1693年8月30日写的第二封信，含有徐日升对那些传教士（多为中国籍）的评价，后来他们在教会的地位均有所提升，成了四品修士和神父（the 4th and last vow）。
After the Edict.
Tomás Pereira’s Appeal to Coimbra and the Portuguese
Recruitment to China
The diplomatic talent and musical skills of Tomás Pereira, S.J. (1645–1708) are better known than his missionary ideas, not to speak about his pastoral activity. ►
Pereira’s attitude towards the Jesuit China Mission has been described by Western historiography as an obstinate defense of the interests of the Portuguese Padroado, something that can not be denied. However, he was neither alone ― his was a position followed also by several non-Portuguese Jesuits ― nor an extremist: after all, he was just a follower of the founding universalistic principles and ideals of the Society of Jesus.
Pereira’s position towards the Rites Controversy, the Chinese liturgy, the native clergy and missionary recruitment, not to speak of the Mission’s organization, hierarchical dependence, logistics, financial funding and survival, among others, are aspects poorly studied. He nevertheless had been entrusted with important responsibilities in the Society of Jesus as Rector of the College of Peking (1688-1691), Vice-Visitor of the Peking sector (1687-1688 and 1691-1692) and finally Vice-Provincial of the Chinese Vice-Province from June 29 1692 up to the same date of 1695.
In this context, this presentation will focus on Pereira’s position towards the missionary recruitment for and in China after the proclamation of the Edict of Tolerance in 1692. This relates to the Westerner missionary’s profile, especially the Portuguese, and Pereira’s evaluation of the results produced by the efforts the Jesuits had been making for about two decades to constitute a native Chinese clergy (the case of Macau is not studied here).
Not aiming to be exhaustive, this contribution is rather exploratory but supported by two unpublished letters of Tomás Pereira. The first, more deeply analyzed, is dated June 15 1692 and addressed to the Colégio de Coimbra, calling for Portuguese Jesuit to be sent for China. The second, written on August 30 1693, contains Pereira’s information on those missionaries, mainly Chinese, who would progress within the Order and be admitted to the fourth and last vow.
III. Tomás Pereira, Science and Mission
Presentations & Panel Discussion 3:
Henrique LEITÃO
Henrique LEITÃO 雷恩礼
徐日升时代的葡萄牙耶稣会士及科学传教
尽管耶稣会在华传教士的科学传教活动在过去几十年间业已获得极大的关注，但葡萄牙传教士所做的特定贡献却通常遭到了忽视。这不能不说是一个遗憾，因为从人数上来说，葡萄牙传教士是在华传教使团中的一个较大群体； ►
另一方面，向中国派遣受过培训的传教士，也给葡萄牙省的教育体系带来了意想不到的压力。近年的研究强调了耶稣会的学院体系及高等院校的长远性质，并阐释了知识在该体系内部的传播与积累的某些方面。此外，在推动葡萄牙省的科学活动方面，政治形势也发挥了重要作用。这对在华传教使命有着重大的影响。本人将在本文中探讨这些课题，重点讨论徐日升（1645-1708）的在世阶段及其传教生涯。
Portuguese Jesuits and the Scientific Apostolate during Tomás Pereira’s Time
Although the topic of the scientific activities of the Jesuit missionaries in China has received great attention in the past decades, the specific contribution of the Portuguese missionaries has generally been neglected. This is to be regretted not only because the Portuguese ►
were numerically the larger group of missionaries living in China, but most of all because the need to send trained missionaries to China placed unexpected tensions in the educational system of the Portuguese Province. Recent studies have emphasized the long-range nature of the Jesuit network of colleges and learning institutions and have clarified some of the aspects of the transmission and accumulation of knowledge within that network. Furthermore, political circumstances also played a significant part in the shaping of scientific activities in the Portuguese province, an aspect that would have important consequences in the China mission. In this presentation I will address these topics, focusing specifically in the period of Tomás Pereira’s (1645-1708) life and on the career of Pereira himself.
SHI Yumin
史玉民 SHI Yumin
清钦天监衙署位置及廨宇规模考
清钦天监衙署的位置，清代舆图、方志多有记载。庚子（1900年）后钦天监不在原处，近人也有著录。但钦天监迁至何处，史书语焉未详。笔者在翻检有关文献时，见到曾任京师大学堂师范馆总教习服部宇之吉总纂、 ►
1908年完稿的《北京志》上关于钦天监迁至东四牌楼西的明确记载，从而确定了清钦天监衙署庚子后的位置。清钦天监衙署廨舍情况则鲜见于史，笔者在查阅清档时，见到乾隆年间工部维修钦天监衙署的奏销黄册，知清钦天监衙署廨舍一百一十间，其中既有处理日常事务的协政堂、主薄厅、五官厅、宪书房、司书厅、时宪科、天文科、漏刻科；也有收贮书板的板库；还有祭祀供神的斋戒房、土地庙等。据此笔者弄清了清钦天监的衙署形制、廨宇规模。
Textual Researches on the Position and Construction of the Qing Dynasty Qintianjian Yashu [Qing Dynasty Astronomical Bureau]
The former position of Qing Dynasty Astronomical Bureau (Qintianjian yashu) was recorded in some local chronicles and maps about Beijing. But after 1900 it had been moved to another place. ►
The author fixes the latter position of the Qing Dynasty Astronomical Bureau on the basis of historical materials recorded in Beijing Zhi edited by服部宇之吉Hattori Unokichi. In addition, according to Qing Dynasty Gongbu archives, the author clarifies the construction of the Qintianjian yashu which possessed one hundred and ten rooms, including the 协政堂 xiezhengtang, 主薄厅 zhuboting, 五官厅 wuguanting, 宪书房 xianshufang, 司书厅 sishuting, 时宪科 shixianke, 天文科 tianwenke, 漏刻科 loukeke for routine; 板库 banku for storing the book boards and 斋戒房 zhaijiefang, 土地庙 tudimiao, etc., for sacrifice and enshrinement.
Antonella ROMANO
Antonella ROMANO
为对抗欧洲而捍卫中国的欧洲天文学：徐日升与1688年的钦天监
我在此的目的，是想插读一份从葡语档案中发现的未经发表的文件，为徐日升与安多（Thomas）1688年所作。这个大语境中的出发点，是17世纪40年代中国省的传教士内部的一场论争，以及这场论争是如何在中国礼仪之争中结束的（如果可以这样说的话）。文件的核心——捍卫耶稣会士在钦天监的存在之必要——为我们揭示了有关传教使团科学活动的有趣的新认识，以及耶稣会及欧洲学界精英对它的评价。
Defending European Astronomy in China... Against Europe:
Tomás Pereira and the Tribunal of Mathematics in 1688
My aim here is to insert the reading of an unpublished document from the Portuguese archives, written by Pereira and Thomas in 1688, within a broader context the starting point of which can be found in an internal dispute among the brothers of the Chinese province in the 1640s and its conclusion – as far as this can be said – in the Chinese rites controversy. At the core of the document, the need to defend Jesuit’s presence at the Court of Mathematics, opens interesting new perspectives on the scientific dimension of the mission and its evaluation among both the Society of Jesus and the European learned élites.
IV. Tomás Pereira and the Sino-Russian Negotiations of Nerchinsk
Presentations & Panel Discussion 4:
Peter PERDUE
Peter PERDUE 濮德培
耶稣会士在尼布楚：语言、战争与种族身分
俄中帝国的尼布楚谈判，牵涉到一大群操不同语言、持不同文化背景及目的的表演者。谈判者包括满人、汉人、俄国人、波兰人、蒙古人及耶稣会顾问。满清统治者试图打造一条固若金汤的边界，并阻止俄国与他们的宿敌、 ►
以葛尔丹为首的蒙古准葛尔部结盟。虽然满清的汉族臣民对中亚事务缺少兴趣，但却支持满清政府恢复中国秩序的行动。原先只是胁迫西伯利亚弱小部落及走投无路的蒙古可汗进贡的西伯利亚俄国人，此时首次与一个军力强大和中央集权的亚洲帝国遭遇。所有各方都不得不调整各自的期望，以弥合这些文化上的巨大鸿沟。徐日升与耶稣会士利用他们的中间人地位，在两大帝国之间巧妙周旋，在俄中两国均赢得了影响。尼布楚谈判的结果，因他们的影响而成为欧亚史上的一个转折点。
The Jesuits at Nerchinsk: Language, War, and Ethnicity
The negotiations between the Russian and Chinese empires at Nerchinsk involved a multitude of actors speaking different languages, with different cultural backgrounds and goals. The negotiators included Manchus, Chinese, Russians, Poles, Mongols, and the Jesuit advisors. ►
The Manchu rulers of the Qing aimed to create a secure border and prevent an alliance between Russia and their greatest enemy, the Mongolian federation led by Galdan. The Chinese subjects of the Manchus had much less interest in Central Asian affairs, but supported the Manchu restoration of order in China. The Russians in Siberia had previously only extracted tribute from weak Siberian tribes and disparate Mongolian khans, but for the first time they confronted a militarily strong and centralized empire in Asia. All sides had to adjust their expectations to bridge these large cultural divides. Pereira and the Jesuits skillfully exploited their intermediate position between the two empires to gain influence with both Russia and China. The Nerchinsk settlement was a turning point in Eurasian history because of their influence.
Vladimir Stepanovich MYASNIKOV
Vladimir Stepanovich MYASNIKOV 米亚斯尼科夫
尼布楚谈判中的徐日升
徐日升（1645-1708）在担任中俄尼布楚谈判清廷代表团成员期间所记的《徐日升日记》，是非常重要的历史文件。它被从英语译为俄语，并收录在1972年出版的《17世纪的俄中关系》第二卷中。它的出版使我们得以比较俄中两国外交流派的典型特征。
Tomás Pereira at the Nerchinsk Conference
The Diary of Tomas Pereira (1645-1708), which he wrote being a member of the Qing delegation at the Sino-Russian negotiations at Nerchinsk, is a very important historical document. It was translated from English to Russian and published as a part of the volume two Russian-Chinese Relations in the XVII century in 1972. This publication allowed us to compare the characteristic features of the Russian and Chinese diplomatic schools.
V. Tomás Pereira and the Music in China
Presentations & Panel Discussion 5:
TAO Yabing
陶亚兵 TAO Yabing
徐日升（Tomás Pereira）在中国的音乐事迹
徐日升是一位著名的传教士，他在中国与欧洲音乐交流的历史上也是一位有重要影响的音乐家。他以杰出的音乐才能赢得了清朝康熙皇帝的赞许，成为可以出入皇宫为皇家子弟教授西方音乐的宫廷音乐教师。 ►
而他用中文撰写的《律吕纂要》成为第一部在中国流传的欧洲音乐教材。他为中国传来了系统的欧洲音乐理论，使中西音乐交流史由猎奇进入了一个求知的新阶段。
同时，作为宗教音乐家，他卓有成效地扩展了自利玛窦贡献古钢琴以来西方宗教音乐在中国的传播渠道。他在北京宣武门教堂建造了庞大的管风琴，而它美妙新颖的声音和精密的机械构造是当时北京的一个西洋景吸引众人参观，其中许多中国文人留下了描写这架管风琴的诗篇。
On Tomás Pereira’s Musical Writings
Tomás Pereira (1645-1708) is a famous preacher who has had also a great and important impact as a musician on the history of musical exchange between China and Europe. He won the praise of the Kangxi Emperor in Qing dynasty because of his outstanding musical ability, ►
a gift for which he could also access into the imperial palace and, as an imperial music instructor, teach Western music to the children of the Emperor. He wrote the《律吕纂要》Lülü zuanyao [Elements of Music] in Chinese which was the first European musical teaching material spread in China. He brought the systemic European musical theory to China, a fact that made the history of musical exchange between China and the West to enter into a new stage of learning for the sake of seeking novelty.
As a missionary who writes religious music, he also effectively expanded the channels through which Western religious music spread in China, beginning with Matteo Ricci contributing a clavichord. He also constructed a large organ in the Xuanwu Men church of Beijing, the wonderful and novel tones, the sophisticated mechanical structure of which were a Western unusual feature in Beijing that attracted many people. Many Chinese scholars among them left descriptive articles and poems about this pipe organ.
Gerlinde GILD
Gerlinde GILD 戈林德.吉而特
音乐传教：《律吕纂要》中的西洋音乐汉译之挑战
在中国的世界秩序里，有关音乐及礼仪的重要性，已是著述繁多。自中华文明伊始，音乐与权力就被象征性地联系在一起。和谐的乐音被视为天籁之声，而不谐之音则会扰乱整个乾坤。 ►
礼乐代表合法统治，其和谐之声不仅使权力合法化，而且还可使其保持公正。因此，睿智的君主均特别重视宫廷专用礼乐。引自《吕氏春秋•古乐篇》。
耶稣会士来华之后，很快就认识到了音乐在中国世界秩序中所发挥的重要作用。从一开始起，利马窦就以音乐作为与中国统治者对话的语言及工具。
经南怀仁（1623-1688）推荐，徐日升（1645-1708）被康熙皇帝（1654-1722）从澳门召至北京皇宫。康熙对徐日升在尼布楚谈判中的成功表现印象深刻，复命其教授王子音乐，以确保他们在音乐的各个方面的博学多识。然而康熙重修中国乐系的意图并不是不带政治目的的。为了讲授乐理，徐日升撰写了《律吕纂要》，是为以汉语撰写的第一部西洋音乐论著。
本文将对这部论著作一个简介，因为它不仅证明了徐日升具有广博的中文与西洋音乐知识，还反映了他在这一史无前例的跨文化进程中的能力。
Mission by Music. The Challenge of Translating European Music into Chinese
in the Lülü Zuanyao
Much has been written about the eminent role of music and rites in the Chinese world order. From the beginning of the Chinese civilization music and power were symbiotically associated. Correct sounds were believed to be attuned to the sound of the atmosphere. ►
Incorrect sounds would disturb the whole system. Ritual music represented the legitimation to rule and its correct sounds legitimated power and kept it upright. Therefore, wise emperors paid keen attention to ritual music, which was reserved for the Court. The locus classicus is found in the Lüshi Chunqiu, chapter guyue.
The Jesuits, who came to China, soon recognized the eminent role of music in the Chinese world order. From the beginning, Matteo Ricci used music as language and medium in the conversation with Chinese rulers.
Recommended by Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1688), Tomás Pereira (1645-1708) was ordered from Macau to the Palace in Beijing by Emperor Kangxi (1654-1722). Already impressed by Pereira’s successful negotiating in Nerchinsk, he also wanted him to teach music to the princes in order to ensure their comprehensive knowledge (boxue) in all aspects concerning music. However, Kangxi’s intention to revise the Chinese musical system was not without political motives. In order to teach musical theory, Pereira wrote the Lülü Zuanyao, the first tractatus on European music in Chinese language.
In my paper I intend to give a brief introduction into this book, which is not only an example of Pereira’s excellent knowledge of Chinese and European music, but also reflects his competence in this extraordinary transcultural process.
César GUILLÉN-NUÑEZ
César GUILLÉN-NUÑEZ 胡纪伦
徐日升、北京南堂、南堂管风琴及罗马天主教教堂建筑的引入
北京宏伟庄严的南堂，今圣母无染原罪堂，被认为是第一座建于北京的、具有欧洲风格和重大艺术价值的罗马天主教教堂。最初由德国著名耶稣会神父汤若望（1591–1666）于1650年建造，后经多次重修。 ►
有关南堂重修的知识非常匮乏，但根据活跃在康熙朝廷（1654-1722）的著名佛兰芒天文学家、耶稣会士南怀仁（1623-1688）的记述，徐日升（1645-1708）于该世纪末的干预，是教堂建筑的一个转折点。据南怀仁称，徐日升为南堂添置了一座奏乐自鸣钟及同样庄严的管风琴，由此几乎改变了汤若望的教堂。本文将探讨有关南堂建筑的问题，以及徐日升的干预带来的变化，包括他的后来作为一个洛可可教堂建筑风格的特色的大风琴。
Tomás Pereira, the Nantang, its Organ
and the Introduction of Roman Catholic Church Architecture in Beijing
Beijing’s venerable South Cathedral, the Nantang––today the Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception––is believed to have been the first artistically significant Roman Catholic church to have been constructed in a European style in Beijing. It was originally built under the famous German Jesuit Adam Schall von Bell (1591-1666) in 1650, but was renovated during subsequent decades. ►
Knowledge of the renovated Nantang is scant, but according to the testimony of the Jesuit missionary Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1688), the famous Flemish astronomer active at the court of Kangxi (1654-1722), the intervention of Tomás Pereira (1645-1708) towards the end of the century was a turning point for the architecture of the building. According to Verbiest, Pereira added a large clock with carillon and an equally impressive organ, thus practically transforming Schall's church. This paper examines questions related to the architecture of the Nantang, as well as the changes brought about by Pereira’s participation, including his large organ as a feature later to become characteristic of Rococo church architecture.
VI. Tomás Pereira, the Court and the Chinese Culture
Presentations & Panel Discussion 6A:
Ku Weiying
古偉瀛 Ku Weiying
徐日升神父、康熙皇帝及宫廷里的西人
徐日升神父（1645-1708）为康熙帝（1654-1722）内廷最受信任的西人之一，同时也许是最重要的葡萄牙在华耶稣会士。他与其他西人深得康熙皇帝恩宠及信任。在其任职北京期间，康熙帝颁布了著名的“容教令”， ►
允许国人皈依天主并奉行天主教。1692年的容教令是康熙帝对宫廷里的西方耶稣会士的信任及友好的巅峰，但是后来遭到18世纪初的“礼仪之争”的削弱。本文将追溯容教令颁布前后的来龙去脉，以及徐日升神父与其他宫廷里的西人发挥的作用。本文认为，尽管“容教令”是汤若望（1591–1666）以来的宫廷耶稣会士长期努力的结果，但是徐日升神父及其同伴才是容教令颁布的真正最终推动者。
Fr. Tomás Pereira, S. J., Emperor Kangxi and the Court Westerners
Fr. Tomás Pereira, S. J. (1645-1708) was one of the most trusted Inner Court Westerners of Emperor Kangxi (1654-1722) and probably also the most important Portuguese Jesuit in China. ►
He and other Court Westerners enjoyed Emperor Kangxi’s favours and trust. It was during Pereira’s Beijing years that the Chinese Emperor Kangxi issued the famous “Edict of Tolerance”, allowing Chinese to convert to and practice the Catholic religion. This edict of 1692 was the culmination of Emperor Kangxi’s trust and friendship with the Jesuits Court Westerners; but later on it was undermined by the Rite’s Controversy in the early eighteenth century. This essay’s purpose is to trace the causes of the edict, the events before and after the issuing of the edict, and the role played by Tomás Pereira and other Court Westerners. Despite the fact that the “Edict of Tolerance” had been the result of the accumulated efforts of the Court Jesuits since Adam Schall (1591-1666), it is argued that it was indeed Tomás Pereira and his companions who made the last push for the issuance of the Edict.
JIN Guoping
金国平 JIN Guoping
“情同手足”— 趙昌与徐日升
赵昌（满文名为Chuliama），为满族朝臣之子，与康熙帝自幼相伴，后为康熙内侍，直至皇帝去世。在徐日升（1645-1708）的一生中，赵昌可谓形影相随。 ►
对中国史学界来说，因中文史料的匮乏，赵昌这个谜一直未得破解。本文试图证明，要想认识并理解这个与康熙的一生及当时的宫廷文化密不可分的人物，以西方语言书写的耶稣会资料是不可或缺并极具价值的。
作为安排年轻皇帝初次接触耶稣会传教士安文思(1610-1677)、利类思 (1606-1682)和南怀仁(1623-1688)的关键人物，赵昌是认识徐日升与康熙帝（同时也是清廷中的耶稣会士的保护人，并对徐日升在华生涯的所有关键时刻进行过干预）之间不同寻常的亲密关系的关键之一。
Amicíssimos – Tomás Pereira and Zhao Chang
趙昌 Zhao Chang (Manchu name: Chuliama), the son of a Manchu courtier, a childhood companion and a member of the inner circle of the Kangxi Emperor (1654-1722) until the sovereign’s death, is a constant presence all along Tomás Pereira’s (1645-1708) life. ►
For Chinese historiography, Zhao Chang is still an enigma that the scarcity of Chinese sources do not help to solve. This paper aims to prove that Jesuit sources in Western languages are indispensable and highly valuable to know and understand this personage that cannot be dissociated of the personal history of the Kangxi Emperor and of the Court culture of the time.
A key person in the first contacts of the young Emperor with the Jesuit priests Gabriel de Magalhães (1610-1677), Luigi Buglio (1606-1682) and Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1688), Zhao Chang is one of the keys to understand the unusual intimacy of Tomás Pereira with the Kangxi Emperor, being also a protector of the Jesuits in the Imperial Court and intervening in all the relevant moments of Tomás Pereira’s career in China.
Presentations & Panel Discussion 6B:
Glenn TIMMERMANS
Glenn TIMMERMANS 格列•廷默曼斯
徐日升：关于其《日记》的思考
由耶稣会士约瑟夫·塞比斯翻译编辑、1961年以葡语和英语于罗马初版的题为《徐日升神父日记》的作品，从严格的意义上来说，与我们通常所理解的日记有所不同。它是一本详细的叙述，显然是由徐日升在1689年《中俄尼布楚条约》签订之后返回北京所作。日记的原稿虽然已失， ►
但有两份葡语抄本依然完好，目前的文本便是根据葡语版本翻译而来。本文将探讨徐日升写此日记的意图，并力图表明，由于该日记主要是为其罗马上峰而作，因此它试图证明耶稣会神父在这一重大外交使命中发挥的效用。由于日记反映了徐日升对满清政府处理国际关系的苦恼及其对俄国人的敬重，因而它是洞悉徐日升个人观点及态度的独特窗口。徐日升的动机，显然来自其对中国皇帝的忠诚；而参与这一使命带来的机遇，也使他得以在中俄两国间推动耶稣会的利益。
Tomás Pereira – Reflections on His Diary
The work, known as the Diary of Tomás Pereira S.J., first published in Portuguese and English, translated and edited by Joseph Sebes S.J., and published in Rome in 1961, is not, strictly speaking, a diary in our normal understanding of that word. ►
It is, instead, a detailed narrative, clearly written after the conclusion of the Sino-Russian Treaty of Nerchinsk of 1689, after Pereira’s return to Beijing. The original manuscript of this diary has been lost but two copies in Portuguese are extant, from which this work derives. This paper will examine Pereira’s intentions in writing this diary, and will seek to show that it was intended largely for his superiors in Rome and thus its attempts to demonstrate the efficacy of the Jesuit fathers in this important diplomatic mission. It is a unique window into Pereira’s own views and attitudes as it reflects his frustrations with the Manchu approach to international relations as well his respect for the Russians, and while Pereira was clearly motivated by his loyalty to the Chinese Emperor, the opportunity afforded by his participation in this mission also allowed him to advance Jesuit interests in both China and Russia.
Eugenio MENEGON
Eugenio MENEGON 梅欧金
Ubi Dux, Ibi Curia: 康熙的巡幸与宫廷的耶稣会士
本文将比较南怀仁（1623-1688）、张诚（1654-1707）及徐日升（1645-1708）关于康熙（1654-1722）于1682至1685年间巡幸“鞑靼”的记载，并在“皇帝出巡”、满族王侯畋猎及康熙的将“科学与艺术”带至行宫让朝臣开开眼界的心愿的语境框架之内，分析他们的描述。 ►
康熙之所以在十七世纪八十年代畋猎时带上南怀仁、张诚及徐日升，是因为他想让他们在他巡幸塞外时为他讲“科学”及“造乐”，并向他的朝臣展现他们的学识，以及皇帝对那些学识的了解。而南怀仁、张诚及徐日升，则将扈从皇帝出巡看作是皇帝的一种特殊恩典及赏赐，可用来为自己及传教团在参与畋猎的王公贵族面前赢得美誉。本文将探讨这些进程为我们讲述的满族宫廷文化，以及非汉人（即欧洲籍朝臣）对那种文化及网络的参与。
Ubi Dux, Ibi Curia: Kangxi’s Imperial Hunts and the Jesuits as Courtiers
This paper will compare the accounts by Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1688), Francis Gerbillon (1654-1707), and Tomás Pereira (1645-1708) written in 1682-1685 during Kangxi’s (1654-1722) hunting trips in "Tartary", and analyze their descriptions within the context of ►
"imperial touring" and Manchu aristocratic hunting, as well as within the imperial desire for "portable science & art" to be displayed to the court during the summer retreats. Kangxi took along Verbiest, Gerbillon and Pereira on his hunts in the 1680s because he wanted them to do "science" and "music" for him while on vacation beyond the wall, and display their knowledge, and his understanding of it, to his courtiers. Verbiest, Gerbillon and Pereira, on their part, took this as a form of special imperial patronage and favor, to be used to gain prestige for themselves and the mission in front of the aristocrats participating in the hunts. The paper will explore what these dynamics tell us about Manchu Court culture, and the participation of non-Han people (in this case, European courtiers) in that culture and networking.
Presentations & Panel Discussion 6C:
Claudia von COLLANI
Claudia von COLLANI 柯兰霓
从朝廷到天廷：徐日升的葬礼
从1673年到1798年去世，徐日升（1645-1708）便一直在康熙（1654-1722）皇帝的宫廷里效力。因此他得到了一个既含有基督教成分又包括皇恩的特别葬礼。这样，徐日升的葬礼便为提升基督宗教的在华地位（非常重要）做出了贡献。
From the Earthly Court to the Heavenly Court. The Funeral of Tomás Pereira
From 1673 till his death in 1708, Tomás Pereira (1645-1708) stayed in the service of the Kangxi (1654-1722) Emperor at the Court. As such he received a special funeral which combined Christian elements with the honours given by the Emperor. In this way, Pereira’s funeral contributed to the prestige of the Christian Religion, something so important in China.
YU Sanle
余三乐 YU Sanle
北京“滕公栅栏”墓地的变迁和徐日升墓碑的遭遇
300年前，1708年徐日升逝世於北京，安葬於京城西郊的“栅栏墓地”。这最初是明万历皇帝赐予利玛窦的墓地，之後清顺治皇帝在其西侧赐予汤若望墓地。徐日升墓葬的位置与南怀仁相当。 ►
300年来，这处西方传教士墓地几经变迁，经历了1900年庚子之变丶1954年迁移和保留丶“文革”之变，1978年得以重建，1984年成为北京市文物保护单位，2006年成为国家重点文物保护单位。但徐日升墓碑却不幸遗失了。2005年，原国家科委主任宋健曾过问过徐日升墓碑的下落。现在徐日升墓碑的重刻和复归一事正在酝酿筹画之中。
The Vicissitudes of the Portuguese Seminary in Beijing and the Misfortune of the Tombstone of Tomás Pereira
Tomás Pereira was buried in the Portuguese seminary in the western suburb of Beijing after he had died in the capital three hundred years ago in 1708. The seminary, originally granted to Matteo Ricci (1552-1610) as his final resting place by the Wanli Emperor of the Ming Dynasty, ►
was later approved by the Shunzhi Emperor to accommodate the tomb of Johann Adam Schall von Bell (1591-1666) as well at its west side. The position of the tomb of Tomas Pereira was close to that of Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1689). In the past three hundred years, the seminary, where many of the Western missionaries took their final rest, has witnessed a plethora of vicissitudes such as the “Gengzi event” or Boxers’ Rebellion in 1900, the relocation and conservation attempts in 1954, the Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1976, and the reconstruction in 1978. In 1984, the seminary became a historic site under the protection of the Beijing Municipal Government, and it was elevated in 2006 to a key historic site under the protection of the national government. But unfortunately, Pereira’s tombstone went missing. In 2005, Song Jian, ex-Minister of the National Science and Technology Commission, asked in person for the whereabouts of Pereira’s tombstone. The re-inscription and restoration of Father Pereira’s tombstone are now under deliberation and planning.
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